Zamzam: My journey with FGM  

My name is Zamzam Hassan. I am a 29 year-old Somali woman born and raised in Garissa County in northeastern Kenya, 367kms from the capital, Nairobi. Garissa has one of the highest rates of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) in the world at 82.5%.  

I went through FGM at the age of 7. My mother took me. She grew up as an orphan and migrated from Somalia during the war, and didn’t know any better at the time. 

The cut was done to me in a neighbour’s house with around six other girls. As a child I didn’t understand the level of violation that had been done to me, I saw it as normal. I saw it happen to my sister and other girls in the neighborhood as I grew up. 

When I was in secondary school, I used to have excruciating pain when I menstruated. I didn’t know the cause until the school nurse at the health centre said to me: “I know you come from a community with high prevalence of FGM and maybe this could be linked to it.”  She explained that bad menstrual pain can be related to severe forms of FGM.  

It was later in my early university years that I started volunteering on FGM campaigns and came to realise that other communities did not cut their girls. It was not normal.   At that stage I had a heartfelt conversation with my mother. I told her that I had become informed about FGM and its violations. I told her it’s not necessary to put other girls, including my sisters, through it. She gladly accepted this. It was a healing moment for both me and her. 

My mum said, “I didn’t know any better. I was new to the country, and you were my first daughter.” She had two boys before me. 

I changed my mother’s mindset. My youngest sister has not gone through the cut, and neither have my two nieces. Knowing that this small change has happened in my family unit, knowing the great impact it might have on my generation, and also seeing change in communities is a huge inspiration for me. 

The Somali community I come from have deeply entrenched cultural norms, fueled by patriarchy and gender inequality. A boys’ education would be prioritised over girls. Women and girls rarely exercise their rights and powers. 

As a young woman, speaking out on violence against women and girls within my community came with challenges. People would reach out to my father and say, “Do you see what your daughter is doing? Bringing in Western ideology.” 

They would say to me: “What is your problem? You’ve been cut. You’re still against it. What do you want to change now? Are you sitting at home? Are you disabled? What are you fighting for now? Why do you want to interfere with the culture? Your bachelors degree in economics should be utilized to empower our communities economically, not chasing after women affairs.” 

They didn’t realise the secondary consequences that come with FGM, the scar which is not visible. 

Just being in that space as a woman, as a Somali woman, unmarried, was quite a challenge at that time. Having the stigma and backlash from the community looked like an uphill task. 

But I see the light at the end of the tunnel. I feel that we have made significant progress in anti-FGM campaigns and men are becoming allies and supporters in solidarity with us. They try to convert elders with strong opinions.  

Currently, I am the Programme Coordinator for The Girl Generation Programme, a UK Aid-funded initiative focused solely on the fight against FGM in Garissa and Isiolo counties. This is more than a job to me. This is a personal journey. It’s something I do so that no other girl has to go through what I went through. 

With ActionAid Kenya, I also support the Women’s Rights Programme implemented in Kishushe, Taita Taveta and Kamuthe in hard-to-reach areas in Garissa County where women who are marginalised. The Irish Aid-funded Women’s Rights Programme goal is for gender justice at all levels of society, and that women live in safety with economic security and resilience.   

According to the Kenya Demographic Health Report FGM prevalence in Garissa reduced from 94% in 2014 to 83% in 2022. This 11% decrease is due to investment in anti FGM programmes.  

With more people speaking out about against FGM, girls are becoming more empowered and are getting more confident. FGM is not just a Gender Based Violence issue, it is a human rights violation deeply rooted in patriarchy, in gender inequality, in problematic social norms and behaviours among the community. 

If there is no FGM, we will have girls able to realise their dreams. I feel hope, energy and strength to continue doing the work, knowing it  makes a difference daily. 

Protesters holding End Fossil Fuels banner at a climate demonstration, advocating for renewable energy solutions.

Protestors at COP 28 in Dubai. Photo: Konrad Skotnicki.

Climate protest with diverse crowd holding signs about environmental action in a city square.

Belfast Climate Change March, 2019. Photo: Trócaire.

The Profit Driving the Crisis

Despite their overwhelming contribution to global emissions, fossil fuel companies continue to attract significant financial backing—driven by their enduring profitability. This is starkly illustrated by the case of ExxonMobil, the top fossil fuel investment held by asset managers based in Ireland. In 2023, ExxonMobil reported €33.63 billion ($36 billion) in profit. That is almost twice the GDP of Botswana (€18.1 billion) and nearly three times Namibia’s GDP (€11.5 billion).

Ireland plays a hugely disproportionate role in facilitating investments into fossil fuel companies like ExxonMobil. In 2023, the investments made into fossil fuel companies by investment managers based in Ireland generated an estimated 72.5 million tons of CO2e. This is more than the CO2e emissions for the entire country of Ireland—and more than ten times that generated by Sierra Leone.

The Global Human Impact

The climate crisis is here, now, and it is causing disproportionate harm in the Global South. In Bangladesh, rising sea levels and increasingly severe cyclones are displacing coastal communities, with projections indicating that 17% of the entire country could be underwater by 2050. The legally binding Paris Agreement on climate change explicitly acknowledges the importance of tackling private finance. Its three overarching goals are: keeping below 1.5C of warming; increasing adaptation and making finance flows consistent with low emissions and resilience.

This gives a clear mandate for action:  both tax reform and corporate regulation are needed to tackle financial flows, and both nationally in Ireland and at EU level, ‘polluter pays’ taxes are lacking and regulation of the financial sector remains weak and fragmented. While EU regulation exists, it is designed more to nudge investors toward more sustainable investment practices by increasing transparency and reporting levels than to enforce strict standards. And it is moving in the wrong direction: the recently passed EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive excluded investments; and now the EU Commission’s Omnibus legislative proposal threatens to undo the limited gains made on climate plans, as well as blocking future attempts for stronger action at national level.

The Risk of Inaction

Fossil fuel investment is too profitable to remain weakly regulated. If Ireland continues with its current strategy of encouraging FDI at all costs, and relying on weak EU regulation, we are headed for catastrophe. The Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change has repeatedly warned that every fraction of a degree beyond 1.5°C brings irreversible consequences: collapsed ice sheets, vanishing coral reefs, and extreme weather events that will make vast regions of the planet uninhabitable. And yet, companies are developing oil and gas fields that could push global warming beyond 2°C.

Our research found that 91% of the investments made into fossil fuel companies by investment managers based in Ireland were to companies that have plans for fossil fuel expansion like these. Ireland cannot afford inaction on this issue.

About This Research

The figures in this report regarding investment from Ireland are based on new research commissioned by ActionAid Ireland and Trócaire. In the paper, we uncover the scale of fossil fuel investment through Ireland, who the investors are, and in which fossil fuel companies they are investing.  We analyse the current regulatory framework and explain why it is inadequate—and moving in the wrong direction. And we make specific recommendations for change, which are summarised below.

Summary of Recommendations

Regulate the private financial sector
Ireland must end its outsized role as an enabler of destructive fossil fuel investment. Ireland should introduce a strong gender-responsive national human rights and environmental due diligence framework which includes the regulation of investors with respect to human rights and the environment and climate. The transposition of the EU Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive could achieve this if downstream activities are included and the Omnibus proposal is rejected. Ireland should prohibit investments in fossil fuel expansion and require investors to implement climate transition plans consistent with a 1.5°C climate limit.

Endorse the Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty
Ireland should endorse developing a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to curb fossil fuel expansion and commit to a fair and funded phase out of fossil fuels.

Support tax justice
Ireland should support bold and fair new global tax rules through the UN Framework Convention on Tax, should adopt all OECD BEPS measures, and should conduct an updated and comprehensive spillover analysis of its tax policy. Ireland should take coordinated action globally, at the EU level and domestically to introduce a range of new taxes to mobilise finance needed for climate justice, based on ‘polluter pays’ and social equity principles such as wealth taxes for the highest earners, climate damages tax on investors, fossil fuel production taxes and levies on aviation and shipping.

Finance a just transition
Ireland must also meet its fair share climate finance obligations under Article 9.1 of the Paris Agreement, and pay our ecological debt to the Global South. Ireland should support conditionality-free debt cancellation for countries on the front lines of the climate crisis, commit to a new UN Framework Convention on Sovereign Debt, moving debt negotiations from the IMF to the UN, and to a debt workout mechanism that is fully representative and fair.

Further reading